Nada se puede descartar: Carlos Fazio

Detrás de la represión en Atenco, "el interés de grupos de poder por inducir el llamado voto del miedo"

Miércoles 28 de junio de 2006, por Prometeo Jorge Rodríguez Lucero

La agenda de antemano comprometida con los Estados Unidos permanecerá invariable, gane quien gane; la cesión de espacios de soberanía; represión y mano dura contra la violencia de abajo; virulencia y voto del miedo. Así han sido las campañas.


“México seguirá en una fase de profundización de conflictos, tanto políticos como sociales. Sin descartar una crisis económica disparadora de mayores tensiones a nivel nacional” augura Carlos Fazio Varela, analista político y articulista del diario La Jornada, cualquiera que sea el resultado después de las elecciones.

Agenda con lo Estados Unidos, invariable gane quien gane

En el debate reciente los candidatos a la presidencia tocaron poco el tema de la relación México - Estados Unidos. En realidad, se limitó a las relaciones fronterizas y a continuar o lograr un Acuerdo Migratorio, pero no profundizaron temas fundamentales como el Tratado de Libre Comercio, el Plan Puebla Panamá, deuda externa y la deuda de agua e intervención en materia de seguridad.

The looting of the Mexican Southeast

And how the indigenous counter-reforms, electricity privatization, counterinsurgency, ad inf, are all tied neatly together.

Originally published in Spanish by La Jornada
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Translated by irlandesa

La Jornada
Monday, August 26, 2002.
The Southeast: Transnational Plunder

Carlos Fazio

There is renewed interest at some official diplomatic missions in Mexico in knowing what the EZLN is going to do in response to a foreseeable adverse ruling by the Supreme Court of Justice on the legality of the constitutional counter-reform on indigenous affairs.

another text on plan colombia

May 2001
by Carlos Fazio

Uruguayan-Mexican journalist and writer

This phenomenon has allowed the consolidation of an emergent, rich and violent class that in alliance with the traditional native oligarchy has today shaped Colombia as a criminal, mafia-type state.

At the same time, on the demand side there has been no progress either. The U.S. drug market has 14 million consumers and is growing.

But this line of analysis would be weakened without considering the other underpinning of the White House's "war on drugs": its military component.

from: MIKE FULLER STORIES

BY PEDRO DE LA HOZ—Granma daily staff writer—

five outstanding Mexican academics in Havana

• Gilberto Lopez Ribas,

Anthropologist Gilberto López y Rivas, one of the founders of the In Defense of Humanity Network of Networks

• Gustavo Iruegas,

Former diplomat Gustavo Iruegas, with vast experience in the field

• Carlos Fazio,

Uruguayan journalist Carlos Fazio, a columnist for the Mexican daily La Jornada

• Martin Hernandez and

social activist Martín Hernández, a Christian who is a disciple of the doctrines of archbishops Oscar Arnulfo Romero and Sergio Méndez Arceo

• Miguel Alvarez.

Miguel Alvarez from the Service and Consultancy for Peace (SERAPAZ)


At the event titled "Intellectuals for Sovereignty and against the Empire,"

Lopez Ribas and Irruegas are members of the Benito Juarez Tribunal, a group "tasked with judging, from an ethical and judicial standpoint, the activities of the United States of America in the international arena."

Carlos Fascio said the US won't really block out Mexicans because it needs their cheap labor, and compared the situation to the apartheid between Israel and Palestine.

Martin Hernandez, a warmhearted member of a solidarity group based on teachings of murdered Salvadorean Archbishop Arnulfo Romero said he brought Christian greetings against the "bullets of the Empire."

Miguel Alvarez, from an NGO linked to Chiapas, spoke of a new sense of resistance and construction of alternatives, with Zapatism as a reference. He said that movement has proven it is possible to "step out and build a new identity based on collectivity, and hope is now key in construction of actors from within and without."

JOHN ROSS ON PEMEX

On July 11th, newspapers in Mexico City began receiving a series of communiqués under the rubric of the "Military Zone Command of the Popular Revolutionary Army and State Committee of the Party of the Popular Democratic Revolution"

In documents distributed to the press, the EPR identified itself as a Marxist-Leninist military organization composed of 14 little-known guerrilla "focos" that seemed to revolve around an alliance between a clandestine clique of Maoists with a predilection for bombing - the PROCUP - and the Party of the Poor, founded by the long-dead guerrilla martyr Lucio Cabanas along Guerrero's Costa Grande in the 1970s.

the arrest of two top EPR comandantes May 24th in Oaxaca when Eduardo Reyes Amaya and "Raymundo Rivera Bravo" AKA Gabriel Alberto Cruz Sanchez were taken into custody in a hotel in the city's market. Cruz Sanchez is described by guerrilla historian Carlos Montemayor as a 30-year veteran of clandestine armed movements in Mexico and is thought to be the brother of Tiburcio Cruz Sanchez also known as Francisco Cerezo, a maximum EPR leader and patriarch of a clan that includes three activist sons, two of whom are serving long prison sentences for bombing banks in 2001.

According to the Oaxaca daily Noticias, which the hated governor Ulises Ruiz has tried to shut down repeatedly,

But whether the attack was a

• government ruse to reign in social discontent, induce terrorist paranoia as a tool of control, and underscore the need for opening up PEMEX to private investment or a

• legitimate initiative by the armed resistance, the bombings have spiced up a pot already over boiling with upheaval.

... and the mysterious religious right formation "El Yunque" which has had so much influence in both the Fox and Calderon administrations.

Others such as the left-leaning daily La Jornada analyst Carlos Fazio scoff at the bombing as a "hoax."

What surprised Felipe Canseco, a former leader of the PROCUP and uncle of the Cerezo clan was how long it took the EPR to respond to the disappearance of its leaders in Oaxaca on May 25th. "When I went down, he comrades took action the next day," he recalls. Canseco, who served eight years for guerrilla activities, estimates that there are 30 armed groups operating in 22 out of Mexico's 32 states.

One of the hottest pirate DVDs on the Mexican street these days is "The Violin", which depicts the military's "dirty war" in Guerrero in the 1970s in brutal detail. ... those terrible years when an estimated 650 Cabanas supporters along the Costa Grande were forcibly disappeared and held in secret lock-ups where they were tortured and eventually killed and thrown into the Pacific Ocean from Mexican air force planes near Acapulco.